It is just as well that President Goodluck Jonathan has not formally announced that he will be seeking re-election next year.
He should not. In fact, he should go one step further and declare,
today, in the manner of former U.S. President William Sherman, that he
will not be a candidate for the 2015 presidential election; that if
nominated, he will decline, and that if elected, he will refuse to
serve.
More than any other incident in his accidental presidency, his
shambolic handling of the abduction of more than 200 girls from the
Government Secondary School, Chibok, in Borno State by elements of the
nihilistic terrorist organisation Boko Haram, has called into serious
question his fitness for the job
It is not that he had shown the mental alertness and sure-footedness
his office demands in handling many crises that have rocked his
administration. But the Chibok abduction and
his manner of dealing with
it has exposed his inadequacies as never before, and not just to his
compatriots who always had their doubts. Now, the whole world has a
good idea of the leader of Africa’s most populous country and largest
economy, home to the largest aggregation of black humanity.
Several days after the abduction, a spokesperson for the Nigerian
Army, of which Dr Jonathan is commander-in-chief, announced to the
relief of a traumatised nation that the girls had been freed. Only when
challenged a few days later did the spokesperson take back the claim.
The army, he said without remorse and without shame, has been “misled.”
The spokesperson is still at his post. So, for that matter, is Abba
Moro, the cabinet minister responsible for a recruitment test in which
16 job-seekers were trampled to death and scores suffered significant
injury. So also is Diezani Allison-Madueke, who presides over the
scandal-infested Ministry of Petroleum Resources. But that is another
matter.
From the time the military said it had been misled, it has been one
miscue after egregious miscue for the Jonathan administration.
For three weeks, Dr Jonathan could not rouse himself to make a
national broadcast or even hold a news conference. He did not meet with
the distraught parents of the abducted girls to offer solace.
Instead, administration officials went into clumsy denial. They
questioned whether the girls were actually abducted. They sought to pin
responsibility on the school’s authorities and the governor of Borno
State.
When the President finally bestirred himself to address the public on
the issue, it was through a staged Presidential Chat, with four
handpicked journalists doing the questioning. The outing was a fresh
disappointment.
Dr Jonathan said nothing that the public did not already know; no
insights, only bland assurances that the government was doing
“everything” to secure the release of the girls. The assurances rang
hollow, especially when he admitted that the government had no idea
where the girls were being held, nor indeed how many of them were in
Boko Haram’s infernal custody.
So did subsequent claims that the government was “on top of the
situation.” How can you be on top of the situation when you are, by
your own admission, utterly clueless as to what is going on?
It was Dr Jonathan’s opportunity to speak directly to the parents and
relations of the girls, to empathise with them, to play
comforter-in-chief.
He blew it big-time, before the attentive global audience. He kept
appealing to the parents to “co-operate” with the government in its
effort to secure the release of their children. It was as if the parents
somehow stood in the way of the effort.
Jide Ajani’s excellent reporting on the recent Presidential Chat and
the atmosphere in which it was held (Vanguard, May 11) could not have
reassured anyone looking for evidence that Dr Jonathan is indeed up to
the task. It shows a president overwhelmed by the office, disengaged,
and tentative, not exactly basking in the fawning adulation and
saccharine glorification of his retinue of court jesters, but not averse
to it either.
It is an alarming portraiture. It provides some understanding of the
abject incoherence of the Jonathan administration’s response to the
atrocity that reverberated around the world.
And it confirms what a senior adviser to Dr Jonathan told me shortly
after Dr Jonathan took office as acting president. Was Dr Jonathan up
to the task, I had asked the adviser, a discreet man not given to rash
judgment or hyperbole.
“Without hesitation, No,” he had responded.
Dr Jonathan, he told me, would come to meetings without having mastered his briefing papers, and would sometimes doze off.
One of the worst-kept secrets in Abuja is that Dr Jonathan’s quarters
in the Villa is a den, where he and a coterie of revelers carouse far
into the night. This kind of routine leaves little time for serious
reflection on issues of state, and for cultivating the mind and the
intellect, and may well account for the detachment, the lethargy, that
is the hallmark of his style.
Nor has his meddlesome wife, Dame Patience Faka, helped matters. She
staged a “public inquisition,” as a retired ambassador who brought the
video of the event to my attention called it, during which she harassed
and bullied officials and others in her inimitable way to blame everyone
except her husband’s administration.
No matter how this crisis is resolved, Dr Jonathan is unlikely to
emerge as a president who can be trusted to lead Nigeria through the
challenges that lie ahead. To be fair, he never sought the position; he
knew his limitations. It is not entirely his fault that he has proved
unequal to the task.
But it would be selfish and unpatriotic of him to seek to continue to
preside over the destiny of Nigeria when his term ends next year. If
the ruling PDP loves and cares about Nigeria, it should urge Dr Jonathan
not to seek another term. If he refuses, it should reject him
decisively.
Nigeria deserves better.
SOURCE
No comments:
Post a Comment